Philippe Dumaresq, Seigneur of Samares
Philippe Dumaresq was born at Samares Manor on 2 May 1637, the son of Henry, Seigneur of Samares, and his wife Marguerite Herault, daughter of Abraham. He was baptised in St Clement's Church, with Sir Philippe and Lady de Carteret as godparents.
The families were to fall out in the Civil War, Henry leading the Parliamentary side, and besieging the Royalist Sir Philippe in Elizabeth Castle in 1643. When Sir George Carteret recovered Jersey for the Royalists on 19 November, Henry had to flee, leaving his wife and children at Samares. Henry was condemned to death in absentia, and hanged in effigy.
In 1645 the Royal Commissioners Poley, Vaughan and Jansen arrived in Jersey to deal with the estates of Parliamentary delinquents. Samares Manor was confiscated, and the King's officers agreed that Trinity was to be placed above Samares in precedence, a decision which was to have some consequences. Philippe de Soulemont, a Royalist, took the Manor at 10,000 francs a year and let the land to parishioners. In 1650 he was captured by a Parliamentary frigate on his way to New Jersey.
In April 1651 Marguerite, Henry's wife, found to be corresponding with her father Abraham Herault in Guernsey, was banished to France with her children, including Philippe, Henry (1639—1685) and Marguerite (1643-1731).
Later in 1651 Jersey was retaken by Parliament, with Elizabeth Castle surrendering on 15 December. Henry Dumaresq returned home and continued as a Jurat, though he spent much time in England where he was a teller at the Mint.
It must be assumed that his family also returned to Jersey; in 1653 a fourth child, Esther, was born, and baptised in St Clement's Church on 17 July.
When Henry died in 1654 his son Philippe became Seigneur of Samares, though it is not clear where he lived in the 1650s. His acquaintance with various English people, including John Evelyn and the Trumbull family, and his familiarity with the language, suggest that he spent some formative years in England.
Thomas Baker, in his Caesarea of 1840, claims that he entered the Navy at an early age, and it is true that Philippe's survey of Jersey shows familiarity with the seas, tides and coasts of Jersey, but he explicitly states that he was 'a Stranger to the Profession of the Sea' and he is not recorded as an officer by Pepys.
The Monarchy was restored on 29 May 1660, with Charles II proclaimed King in Jersey on 2 June. Philippe Dumaresq petitioned the King, seeking the return of Samares. ‘As God has not only restored you in so wonderful a manner, but touched your heart with mercy towards youre enemies ... I beg pardon for myself and my late father...' His petition was granted, and the pardon was in an Order in Council
When Philippe Dumaresq returned to Samares, he must have found a rather bleak prospect: in 1646 the timber had been cut down by George Carteret as a reprisal for Henry's support of Parliament.
We can imagine that Philippe began to plant energetically. He later wrote to his prospective father-in-law, William Trumbull, that he had expended considerable sums to make Samares ‘one of the most agreeable places in these islands'.
Trumbull's son Charles, visiting in 1677, said that Samares was 'artificially contrived and neatly built, with handsome gardens, great orchards and good meadows belonging to it.’ Behind the house was an echo 'that would reflect a whole verse almost and a great part of a song rendring the voice very sweet and pleasant’. Philippe had dug a canal, half a mile long and 12 yards wide, to improve the marsh: in it were carp, mullet, bass and eel. He had a coach built purposely for the narrow and turning lanes of Jersey.
He must have written or spoken to his friend and correspondent John Evelyn, the diarist, about the uses of alders, for Evelyn writes in Chapter 19 of his Sylva, that the Jersey manner of planting alders, which he learned 'from a most ingenious gentleman of that country', is by taking truncheons of two or three foot long, at the beginning of winter, binding them into faggots, and placing the ends of them in water till towards the spring, by which season they will have contracted a swelling spire or knurr about that part, which being set, does (like the Gennet-moil Apple) never fail of growing and striking root'.
There is information in Pomona, an appendix to Sylva, about Jersey cider. This appendix was contributed by Dr John Beale (1608-1683), Rector of Yeovil, Somerset, and others, one of whom, John Newburgh, learned from a neighbour who once lived in Jersey, that the first pressing, or wring, from cider apples is valued 'a Crown upon a hogshead dearer' than later pressings.
On 12 November 1666 Philippe wrote to thank Evelyn for a book on planting and gardening, presumably Sylva, 'which Mr Messervy did lend me to reade'. He said that he would not be put off from 'directions' in Sylva by threat of invasion by 'our ill neighbours', which had led the Governor to require that no one left the island. In reply, Evelyn, professing great esteem for Dumaresq, said 'I wish within all my heart it lay in my power to be useful to yr excellent genius in something more sublime and worthy of it then those meane rusticities which you are pleased to take note of’. He is sorry dangers facing Jersey 'mean you have to stay there, when you might have seen your friends in England'.
On 13 July 1670 Philippe wrote to Evelyn about the score of cypresses he had planted and about Phylyrea (mock privet) which Mr Messervy had given him; he had begun a vineyard, encouraged by Evelyn's The French Gardener. As late as 3 April 1688 he wrote to Evelyn recommending the bearer, M Colereau, who was collecting plants for king of France, and was in Jersey.
Philippe planned various improvements to the manor. An Order in Council of 28 June 1669 allowed him to erect a bridge over the highway crossing his canal. He was concerned that openings in the Mielles de Samares, made by charettes (presumably vraic carts), would let in sea water spoiling the land and flooding the dyke. He was planning, in 1677, to make a tide mill using an inlet 'without danger or molestation of the sea'. After his death, in 1695, his daughter Deborah was given a warrant confirming her right to erect a watermill on the 'waste' of Samares though it was never built.
In about 1672 Dumaresq had dug a well which produced mineral water, apparently containing vitriol, alum and salt. He bottled the water, but also evaporated it, sending samples to Dr Walter Needham (physician to the Charterhouse), and Mons Le Feubre of Pall Mall, for analysis, and to the Trumbulls to take.
The trial of the precedencies
Philippe Dumaresq was accounted 'an ingenious gentleman' and was a man of some distinction, but he was rather litigious. In 1678 he became involved in a long suit concerning rents relating to tenements of Helier Messervy. He was in dispute with Josue Maret, who had taken the inheritance of a bankrupt, Pierre Le Tubelin. In 1687 he claimed from Anne Morel a piece of land between the houses of Charles Dumaresq and Moyse Corbet in St Helier. (This may have been connected to the house he owned next to the Royal Court, in ruins in 1668.)
Shortly after he regained title to the manor he began a very lengthy series of moves to reassert precedence for Samares after St Ouen, Melesches, and Rosel, but before Trinity. This litigation was to last the rest of his life and seems, to a modern view, barely worth the trouble.
There were two intertwined issues: whether Samares or Trinity, regardless of the seigneurs' names, should have precedence; and whether every de Carteret should have precedence over all others not named.
On the Restoration of the Monarchy, and in December 1660, Dumaresq paid homage to Charles II and was confirmed as the King's Man in the Seignory of Samares. He relied on a regulation of 1629, signed by the Clerk of the Council (who happened to be the diplomat William Trumbull, whose granddaughter he would marry in 1672). This gave the order of precedence as St Ouen, Rozel, Samares and Trinity, with cadets and all other gentlemen taking place according to the dates of their elections.
The precedence of Samares over Trinity was reconfirmed by the Royal Court on 19 January 1636. In 1643 Charles I had granted Sir George Carteret the Fiefs and Manors of Melesches, Noirmont and Grainville in recognition of his services against the Turks, and Melesches was thus inserted between St Ouen and Rozel for some purposes.
This was confirmed by an Order of the Royal Court of 26 September 1661. Amice de Carteret (1638-1664), Seigneur of Trinity, appealed against it, but did not pursue his appeal. Instead he procured a clause in his letter of homage in which the King seemed to have placed Trinity after St Ouen, Melesches and Rozel but before Samares, and this was confirmed in a Royal Letter of 9 January 1663. But Philippe Dumaresq had not been consulted and could make no defence, and the matter was left unresolved, though he continued his researches into the issues, interrupted only by a contagious disease. This was reported in the Cour d'Heritage of 28 September 1665.
Amice de Carteret died in St Lo in 1664, and Trinity Manor passed to his sister Mary. When in 1668 she married Charles de Carteret (1646—1686), he took up the Trinity cause. On 5 March 1669 the Lords of the Jersey and Guernsey Committee concluded that Amice's letter was invalid since Samares had had precedence above Trinity time out of mind. Charles appealed on the grounds that he had not been heard, and that he should in any case have precedence as a de Carteret, and as the Seigneur of Trinity.
Philippe Dumaresq responded that Charles was not party to the case at the material time, and that he enjoyed any precedence not as a de Carteret, but as Seigneur of Trinity in the right of his wife, who had inherited the seigneurie from her brother.
He was thus below Samares. There were several senior de Carterets who were elected Jurat before Charles, and they had not claimed precedence over him.
Charles further claimed precedence by virtue of a 1646 judgement in his favour; Philippe replied that this was not a judgement but simply an act of the King's officers when Samares was seized for Parliament, and this had been annulled by the Act of Oblivion and a judgement given in Jersey in 1661.
Philippe made comparence as a franc tenant on 28 September 1669. He also reasserted his right to all property confiscated by the Commissioners from his father; it seems that the former Bailiff, Philippe de Carteret of Grouville, and some Jurats, had denied him these rights in defiance of the Act of Oblivion.
In December 1670 Trinity was again placed above Samares, Charles de Carteret claiming that Philippe had petitioned the Crown secretly, and not allowed him to make offer a defence.
On 18 June 1673 it was privately agreed between the parties in London that precedence of Samares and Trinity should alternate in the Cour d'Heritage, but if and when Dumaresq became a Jurat, Charles de Carteret would have precedence. Otherwise, in conversations, company and meetings, neither would assume precedence; they would converse together without any particular right.
In 1675, various 'ill-intentioned' people said publicly that Philippe did not conform to the Anglican discipline or the required ceremonies. But the Rector of St Clement, Josue Pallot, supported by his churchwardens, Bernabe and Jacques Godefroy, and his deacons J Monet and C Le Roux, asserted that Dumaresq had frequently received communion on his knees, and had only missed the service once or twice. He had testified to Pallot his intention and resolution to confirm to the Anglican discipline. He was the best example to others of observing other church ceremonies.
His accusers were presumably part of the de Carteret cabal, including the Viscount, Sir Edward de Carteret (1630 — 1698) and Charles de Carteret.
Differences with Governor
In the early 1680s Sir Edward was pursuing differences with Lanier (Governor of Jersey from 1679 to 1684) whom he accused of encroachment on insular privileges and maladministration. Without adducing any material evidence, he claimed that Philippe had given Lanier 'such counsel as has caused all our differences'. He mentioned that Henry Dumaresq was hanged in effigy as a traitor, and added gratuitously that his son Philippe was `of the same temper'.
Sir Edward reported that when they were all on Council business in London in 1680, he had called a coach at Whitehall, but Lanier, his secretary (Carpender) and Dumaresq 'leapt therein and did run away, and left me behind'. Philippe was clearly on fairly good terms with Lanier, noting, for example, that 'Sir John continues very obliging' (29 November 1681), but he could also be quite critical: 'Our Governor is late grown dull because of the seeming propensity to peace by the French king's faire proposall' and 'Sir John begins to act with me as if his intelligence had failed him, for he was assured I would never be chosen [as jurat]'.
But in 1681 a further Order in Council ruled that they should revert to the position under the 1629 Order, in which Samares had precedence over Trinity, with cadets and others taking precedence according to the time of their election. This seems to have cleared the way for Philippe to seek election as a jurat. He commented about the election that 'there is as great endevors made as if they were to be of the long parliament'.
On 20 February 1682 he wrote to William Trumbull: :”I did not believe it had been my turne, but my friends had taken such care that when I told some that if the election was not difered one week I saw no possibilitie I could carry it but it proved otherwise for tho' some of my enemies and Carpenders Cretures did their endevors, I carried it by almost 200 voices more than any. The next was Vinchelez de Haut - [John de Carteret ( -1691) - a candidate from that time you were here. On Saturday there was a great expectation to have the issue of it when wee should be sworn but Trinity really so or in pretence being ill, the thing was putt of whereof people took a great notice and some did interpret it that he would make a triumph of his taking place of me.”
Philippe was duly sworn in on 25 February 1682, but Charles de Carteret still claimed precedence, disowning the 1673 agreement allowing alternation. Philippe entered a protestation and Charles an objection to that. Francois de Carteret, the Procureur, (carefully forgetting the disloyalty of Henry de Carteret during the Civil War) 'did display his usual florishes of the family priviledges and of the King's knowledge and that none had been traitors and rebels with such fine language, which was mightily hist at by all'.
Amice de Carteret, Seigneur of Vinchelez de Bas and not to be confused with the late Amice de Carteret of Trinity, said that, being a de Carteret and already a Jurat, he would only yield to Dumaresq as an act of kindness; Philippe reasserted his precedence as of right, and there was a judgement in his favour. John de Carteret, Seigneur of Vinchelez de Haut, purported to be above George Dumaresq of Gros Puits, Elie Dumaresq of Augres and various others. As for Jean Poingdestre:
- ”by reason of his degrees in the university, wch made him an Esqr there, might have some pretence but I am persuaded faire compliments will work with him so that if Sir Edward will consent that there should be no precedence between Trinity and I as long as he continues unmarried and that the two Vinchelez [John and Amice de Carteret] take their places after me and that Elias Dumaresq shall take place next after above George Dumaresq.
Thus the two Vinchelez de Carterets, John, just elected, and Amice, elected in 1665, were seeking precedence over all Dumaresqs, including Philippe Dumaresq, and George Dumaresq of Gros Puits, elected in 1666. Philippe asked William Trumbull to give an account of all this to Sir Philippe de Carteret and the Bailiff, the other Sir Edward de Carteret (1620—1683).
Philippe had made a search of the court records since 1504 and found that precedence, as codified in the 1629 agreement, was always observed with a single exception, when the de Carterets bought Rosel by a 'feigned contract' and tried to claim precedence for a de Carteret over Philippe's father. The position of Jurats who were 'men of practice' and not gentlemen before they were chosen also exercised Philippe Dumaresq.
At the trial of precedencies at the Jersey Committee on 19 July 1682 in London, John de Carteret was at great advantage: he had got a letter of signet in his favour from the King surreptitiously, and he was represented by Sir Edward de Carteret, his friend at Court. Jean Poingdestre, the Dumaresqs' attorney, got the letter suspended. In addition, Philippe Dumaresq had appointed Sir William Trumbull as his attorney at the Privy Council, which explains the full accounts he gave him of the developments. The matter was remitted to the Privy Council, but seems to have been unresolved. By April 1683 the parties had agreed that if the de Carterets should precede, so should the Dumaresqs, which is rather confusing. Philippe sent two guineas in case Sir Edward de Carteret, contrary to the agreement, should make any further motion.
Furthermore, on 26 April 1683 Henry de Carteret, Seigneur of La Hougue, also newly elected, refused to take the place reserved to him, considering that as a de Carteret, he should be above any not so called. He was at issue with George Dumaresq, who had been elected in 1666 and was placed above him. Henry was sent to prison but then released. As Philippe remarked, Henry's father was Judge-advocate in Cromwell's army and an inveterate enemy to the King, yet admitted to precedency and because he was of the blood'.
After the death of Mary de Carteret, Dame de la Trinite since 1664 in her own right, her widower, Charles de Carteret (1646-1686), continued to enjoy Seigneurship and the estate by ‘franc veufage’. But when his son, also Charles de Carteret (1669-1712), married Elizabeth Le Couteur, the Dean's eldest daughter on 7 July 1683, Charles the father lost the Seigneurship.
This, at least, was the view of Philippe Dumaresq, who considered null the agreement he had made with Charles de Carteret, who was unable to make good the pre-nomination for his under-age son. On 17 July 1684 the Royal Court made a judgement in favour of Trinity, on the grounds that there had been no change of person when Charles became a widower, but adding confusingly that pre-nomination remained as it was before the agreement. The matter was referred to the Privy Council.
Order in Council
An Order in Council of 17 December 1684 gave precedence to Sir Edward de Carteret and Francois de Carteret, or their male heirs, taking into account the family's 'faithful services to the Crown'. This did not affect the dispute between Philippe Dumaresq and Charles de Carteret, but a decision of the Privy Council on 25 July 1685 restored Samares to its place above Trinity. This, according to Balleine, was an end to the matter, but Philippe recorded on 8 February 1687 that `Sir Ned is going over to torment me anew' on precedence, and asked Trumbull to get his petitions dismissed. It is quite possible that the matter was still unresolved in practice, if not in law, when Dumaresq died in 1690.
The dispute on precedence spilled over into unrelated matters. Charles de Carteret had used his influence with Lanier to get one La Cloche a colonelcy in the militia. Dumaresq could not think of a fitter person than La Cloche, but 'did smell out' that Charles de Carteret was trying to get him into a 'new broyle' with Sir Edward and Sir Philippe. (This La Cloche was probably Jean La Cloche, owner of several mills in Grands Vaux.) He had been described by William Trumbull in 1677 as so obscure before becoming Jurat 'having never had any businesse but at his Mill, which occupation he retaines still, though something to the scandal of his Office that no man in the island was lesse thought on for this Place: Somewhat later the Procureur, Francois de Carteret, presented four articles against La Cloche of misdemeanour in the execution of his office (28 October 1683).
Philippe was a public-spirited Jerseyman. In 1665 he was appointed a Maitre des Chasses. In 1669 he granted Sir George Carteret land in his Fief of La Fosse on the common or hill of St Helier, for a college. Sir George authorised Philippe and Benjamin Dumaresq to build it, though nothing came of this initiative. As William Trumbull noted, it was unnecessary as there were already two free schools, St Mannelier and St Anastase.
Had the College been built, Dumaresq's claim to free warren on the Town Hill, that is exclusive right to shoot, would no doubt have been rendered nugatory. His claim was denied by the Royal Court, and his appeal was due to be heard on 10 July 1677, but there is no recorded finding. In any case the right was renounced in 1678.
His involvement with a new prison was more productive. At the time, the only place of incarceration was Mont Orgueil Castle, which was distant and inconvenient. The gaolers were not guards but 'blood-suckers'. Already in 1677 there was talk of building a new one, but by 1681 nothing had happened: the Governor, Lanier, and the new Receiver, Elias Pipon (1635 - 1696) opposed spending public money on a new prison, gaoler or executioner.
'No man's life is here in security' complained Philippe. Eventually, on 20 January 1687, the States authorised Sir Philippe de Carteret and Philippe Dumaresq to draw a plan for a prison at the bottom of Broad Street. It was approved on 8 March 1687, and work began immediately, to be finished in 1693.
In 1685 he sought to import 2,000 tods of wool; this was the maximum amount allowed, and was necessary as 'native' wool was too coarse for knitted stockings.This is surprising, as Dumaresq disapproved of knitting as a 'lazy manufacture', which took workers away from husbandry.
Towards the end of his life, Philippe Dumaresq was appointed Admiralty agent in Jersey for the Commissioners of Prizes, and farmer of the import duties on wines and other foreign liquors. In this capacity he had difficulties with one Du Puis who refused to pay duties on wine and brandy.
But his main public work was warning about the security and defence of the Island. As early as 1666 he was writing to Evelyn about the threat of invasion by 'our ill neighbours' which had led the Governor to stop anyone leaving the island. The views expressed by William Trumbull on the dangers from France, and the consequences of the Islands falling into French hands, are much the same as Dumaresq's. He went to London in about September 1689 'in hopes to obtaine some things for our security against the French'.
Jersey was 'in a manner ruin'd for want of trade and for quartering of soldiers without any mony'. The Castles, so well kept in Sir Thomas Morgan's time, were in a miserable condition. When he finally became Jurat, having temporarily resolved the issue of precedence, he attended the States 16 times. He had a motive to keep up a good attendance record: too much absence might have risked his claims of precedence going by default.
It is not clear how, when, and where Philippe Dumaresq first met Deborah Trumbull. In about late 1671 he wrote to her father, William, to bear witness to his passion for Mademoiselle Debora votre fille. Trumbull wrote an obliging and encouraging reply, and on 8 March 1672 Philippe wrote again, to ask for her hand. He would not conceal the fact that his goods were only in proportion to the size of the island, but he could say without vanity that providence had refused him nothing essential and abundant measure for the quiet and independent life of an honest man.
M de Beauvoir, who took his first letter to Trumbull, could act as a referee. As for the fear that Deborah might have of being too far removed from her family, he would attempt to maintain correspondence with England, as he had done for most of his life. This seems to have worked, and Philippe Dumaresq duly married Deborah Trumbull on 24 June in the Savoy Chapel, the French church in London. Deborah's dowry was £1,250, a very large sum with a purchasing power of about £180,000 in modern terms.
The letters of Philippe and Deborah Dumaresq to the Trumbulls, fortunately preserved by them, give us a view of the couple's life in Jersey. William Trumbull was not only an exemplary brother and brother-in-law, but also Philippe Dumaresq's attorney in Privy Council proceedings.
The letters were taken by friends, presumably already known to theTrumbulls, such as Dr Mallett, Dr Sallenove, Jean Poingdestre, Mr Whyte, Mr Corbett, Elie Grandin, and the two Misses Herault, or left at a poste restante address in England like that of Mr Griffiths at the King's Head, Southampton, or Mr du Heaume at Southampton. Sometimes the ships' captains are named: Mr Howe, Captain Messervy, Captain Payn, Mr Downer, Capt Mooney, Janvrin, Philippe Orange or Will Button (This must be the William Bouton (1656- ) who married Jeanne Bailhache in Sark in 1685, was drowned at sea in 1693, and buried at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, by Clement Lempriere.)
The Dumaresqs would ask William Trumbull to take care of their affairs in England or pay a debt to be reimbursed with interest, and send the Trumbulls presents: 'a dozen of white wine and a tierce of claret', a brace of partridges, or '4 hood, 2 black and 2 white and 4 payr of gloves'.
The letters give a glimpse of Deborah's relationship with her husband. Just after his death, she remembered him as an excellent and beloved husband, but perhaps he did not confide much in her.
- ”The news you were pleased to send me of Mr Samares going to England was strange not having heard it before, but when he designs yt voyage he must not leave me behind...I should reioyce if in ye mean time till our occasions permitt some of our friends would follow my sister's good example and give us a visit”.
She was not in very good health, and very melancholy. In addition, she feared loss of sight causing 'great paine and giddinesse in her head' (14 December 1689). She also suffered want of company in the Island: `If my brother George come to Jersey this summer, can my sister Anne keep him company?'
There are frequent references to their daughter, Deborah Dumaresq; we will follow them in calling her 'Debby', to distinguish the two Deborah Dumaresqs.
- ”My poore girl I bless God grows every day in strength and higth; and drinks your health to her papa and thanks him when he drinks it to her; and she prattles french and English both together...wee expect [every] day her dancing master”.
But she was somewhat sickly: 'want of exercise and wormes are [her] greatest distemper', It may be for that reason that she was sent to stay with the Trumbulls at Easthampstead. She left in about July 1683, and messages followed: 'Our blessing to Debby who I hope will continue a good girle..' (4 February 1684). Later that year, they heard that Trumbull would be going as ambassador to Constantinople, 'that barbarous court'. (On 7 October, John Dolben, Archbishop of York, sent Trumbull three adieux 'for you, for Mme L'Ambassadrice, and for Debby Pet, Mademoiselle Royale'.)
The Dumaresqs were very keen that their daughter should not go with the Trumbulls: 'As for Debby, you may judge by her mother's dreadfull aspect upon your voyage and her despayre of your return from thence...' wrote Philippe on 15 September 1686. In the event, she did not go with him when William Trumbull embarked for the 'Sublime Porte' in April 1687.
We also learn something about Philippe Dumaresq's cares as owner of agricultural land and foreshore:
- ”This very month there is fallen out to me that one of my chief tenants has quitted his lands above 30 English acres not being able to satisfy his creditors wch amounts to above a hundred pounds and if land did beare the price it held not long since being fallen from 30 and 25 yeares purchase wch was the least to be not above fifteen and yt hardly I had not doubted to have cleared a considerable rent out of it, howsoever the land falls in my pocession at present and I shall not meddle with his debts in case I do not see a good probably advantage and a ready market to put of the land having to much already upon my hands which is chiefly the reason I make this request unto you.
- ”I had this last month the wrack of a ship to the value of about 20 or 30 pound wch made more noyse than if it had been a thousand in another place for there was a great endevor to sett me at odds with Sir John about it there being a new recevor [Elie Pipon] who was very basic and comenct an action ag me att the Court but if he doe not continue it I shall trouble you no further it being a generall case.”
Visit of Charles and William Trumbull
In 1677 William Trumbull came to Jersey with his brother Charles, to visit their sister Deborah. They were children of William Trumbull (1605-1678) of Easthampstead Park, Berkshire. After Oxford, William (1639-1716) became a civil lawyer, and later Ambassador to Turkey, as we have seen, and Secretary of State in 1695. Charles (1646 - 1724) was later Rector of Mertsham, Surrey, Hadleigh, Suffolk and Stisted, Essex, and chaplain to William Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury.
They arrived on 19 August 1677. They knew the works by Camden and Heylyn, and so were well prepared. They produced very informative accounts of Jersey, updating Heylyn, with Charles giving a full description of the island, William being more concerned with the military aspect, public officials and the courts. Both accounts were published by La Société Jersiaise in 2004.
They stayed for six weeks, presumably with Philippe and Deborah Dumaresq at Samares. Philippe must have been their main informant, but they use formulae like 'according to the information given me' or 'as I have been informed'. they come to make judgements or recommendations, it is not clear whether they are speaking for Philippe Dumaresq, themselves or another authority like Jean Poingdestre, whose work was sent to William Trumbull in 1683.
If, as seems likely, the Trumbulls' accounts were written soon after their return to England, they could hardly have been influenced by his writing, though they must have discussed matters with him in 1677, and later when he acted as attorney for Philippe Dumaresq in his litigation over precedence. William Trumbull's uncomplimentary accounts of the de Carterets: Charles, Amice of Vinchelez de Bas, and Sir Edward, are no doubt in accord with Dumaresq's views.
Survey of Jersey
At some time before 1682, Dumaresq began his Survey of Jersey, prompted by his concern about island defence. Fragments relating to his survey, and his comments on Poingdestre's Caesarea, are in the Daniel Messervy papers at the Bodleian Library. By 9 July 1683 Dumaresq seems to have written a draft, and he sent a copy to William Trumbull with Jean Poingdestre, on condition that Trumbull showed it to Sir Philippe de Carteret. It seems that Trumbull did not comment on the draft or pass it on to Sir Philippe, for in late December Sir Philippe asked Trumbull to send it back to Dumaresq with Captain Will Bouton. But the version of July 1683 cannot have been the final one, because shortly after sending his draft, he sent Trumbull Poingdestre's book (Caesarea), part of which (on the civil government and neutrality of the Islands) he had only just seen. Furthermore, when he visited Guernsey, the Governor, Christoper Lord Hatton, showed him a book of all the Council orders and letters from 1545 to 1610; Hatton returned the visit shortly before October 1683, leaving Dumaresq with a 'book of collections'.
On 19 March 1684 Dumaresq sent Hatton further Poingdestre papers, along with 'my Lady's watch', which she must have left behind on the visit of 1683. When Lady Hatton died in about July 1684, Dumaresq sent a letter of condolence on the 'loss of your excellent lady', and a copy of his survey, with Will Bouton. Dumaresq invited Hatton to send it back with 'such notes as you shall judge fitting.: He modestly apologises for his English 'a language I am not very perfect in..', worries that details might affect the feud between former Governor Lanier and the present one, and refers to the 4th chapter on military government, with a `generall prospect of the King's Revenue' which does not 'descend to particulars..:.This suggests that the version sent for Hatton's comments was very close to the final one.
Dumaresq also promised Trumbull a map, which he had not finished in 1683. He was also seeking a 'good map of Guernsey and Alderney with the rocks about it to add that of Jersey with such rocks as are fist to be inserted at about 20 miles round those Islands which is as much as the privilege of neutrality extends for shipps at By December 1684, he had not decided whether there should be several maps of the Island rather than a large one which would be 'less handy'. In the event, he attached a single map of Jersey to his survey. It is engraved by Thomas Lempriere, Philomat., and shows particular attention to the coasts, and to mills, virtually every one of which is marked.
The Survey of the Island of Jersey was presented to James II in 1685.The King is described as `his Sacred Majty' who, with 'the late King of Happy memory' (Charles II), the Island had twice had the honour to entertain during the 'unnatural rebellion'. Extracts had been seen by Philippe Falle who, in his Account of the Island of Jersey of 1694, acknowledged the help he had received from a 'set of curious observations which that very ingenious gentleman, Mr Dumaresq, was pleased to impart to me shortly before his death'. It was treated as secret until the time of Philippe d'Auvergne, naval commander of Jersey during the Napoleonic wars, who allowed some copies to be made.
Dumaresq says that 'if anything be found that may contribute towards [the Islands'] security I shall not despair of [the Survey's] favourable acceptance'. It is, as we would expect, mainly concerned with defence: the value of the castles, and detailed description of tides, currents, rocks and shoals, and places where enemy might land, but there is also much information on civil society and administration.
Philippe Dumaresq died in London in 1690, and was buried there on 3 June.
Philippe Dumaresq left behind two Deborah Dumaresqs: his wife and his daughter. His widow Deborah ( -1720) wrote to her brother William on 27 January 1692: `God...has taken from me so exelent and too too much beloved and deare a Husband', but she had always been unhappy and melancholic in Jersey, now referring to her condition as `misserable ... without one freind left (especially in this place)' (26 August 1691). Later she writes: 'I am being punished for my sins. I am treated with so much coldness on all sides..: (22 January 1692).
She moved back to England in about 1692, staying at Wimey, Hadleigh Suffolk, and later Hallingbury and Hertford. On 24 July 1694, from Hadleigh (Charles Trumbull's living) she complains that it is a year since 'I saw my dear and only child'.
She was also hard up. On 20 October 1691 she asked William Trumbull to use his influence with Lord Jermyn and Lt Governor Edward Harris about wreck which was found at sea and brought to Samares and which Harris laid claim to. On 6 August 1692, she was actioning the Procureur and Receiver to deliver to her wreckage from the Minquiers. In 1696, through the means of Lord Jermyn, she was seeking to recover tithes which were granted in her Patent. And she was continually borrowing money, although it is likely that she was receiving a pension from the Samares estate. She seems to have been perpetually ill, and by 1712 was writing 'God only knows whither I shall ever go out again'. In 1713, she sought an increase in the pension from Samares; William Trumbull tried to make her give Debby an abatement, but was only met with `anger and passion'.
Her last letter, in which her usually fine handwriting has sadly deteriorated, is a pathetic plea to her ever-generous brother William. 'This coms to begg your Assistance now in my necesaty...I know no person in ye world can do so much with my daughter as your self.' She asks Trumbull to send her some money speedily for I have not had a Penney a great while but what I have borowd of my nephew [John] Bridges and I owe my landlady a great deal for my board. She is very kind but she wants her money and I have none to buy cones to make a fire. I am never like to get well no more. I can hardly go up or down stayrs'. Her daughter owed her more than L100 but she could only pay her mother in French farthings. Several Jersey people said could easily get them changed. 'All that here of her cruallty to me crys shame of her'. (1715)
She had made a will at this time, and bequeathed the £100 plus, owed her by Debby, to her sister-in-law Binns and servant Christian Boyles. She left her servants £5, but to her daughter Debby just one shilling and Philippe Dumaresq's picture. This in reward for Debby's 'cruelty'. This seems rather unjust to Debby, who had contracted a loveless marriage in 1700 in order to remain at Samares and ensure that her mother received a pension.
Deborah Dumaresq, nee Trumbull, died at Hertford in 1720. She wished to be buried as near as possible to her father at Easthampstead.
Deborah Dumaresq, the daughter
By 1691, that members of the Dumaresq family were already trying to marry off the daughter, Debby, still in her 'teens, 'to a young lad of the same name', but Deborah her mother would not allow it. On 3 January 1692, we learn that Debby 'narrowly scap't being kill'd by a fall from her horse...he running away...in going to church...she never remembering how it was...some branches of trees having stunn'd her..' Three weeks later, Debby 'still has a pain in her head'.
Shortly after, Deborah writes of quitting her guardianship of Debby; if she could place her in William's protection (as she had done in 1683-1686), `I could leave this miserable world with joy.
On 24 July 1694, from Hadleigh, Deborah complains that it is a year since 'I saw my dear and only child'. Debby was in England in 1695 and 1696, and it is possible that she did not return to Jersey for some time.
In 1696, Debby was granted the Fief es Faisants, on which there was a single house, occupied by Philippe Fauvel. Her maiden aunts had tried to get some of her property, but one of them, Esther wrote to Trumbull to say that she had often sacrificed her interests to sustain the Manor.
By 1700, Debby was considering another marriage proposal, which would have enabled her to find money for her mother and provide for her maiden aunts, though only if she stayed at Samares. She rather pathetically says the marriage was not out of despair or earnest desire, but that it was 'convenient'. This proposal of marriage was from another Philippe Dumaresq, Seigneur d'Anneville (1671-1714).
Her mother was not in favour, nor were the Trumbulls or Debby's friends. William Trumbull wrote to Charles Dumaresq: For wt concerns my neice Samares, I confess I was surprised to heare a proposal of marriage from you and nothing of it from her selfe. However, having discussed with her mother about it, I found there an invincible obstacle as to ye party you propose. I shall trouble you no further about it and as to my own and my wife's consent, you may imagine we can never agree to a matter whereof we know but very little, and yet, as far as we have heard, do conceive it to be no wayes sutable to our niece because I shall also write to my neice more at large.
Debby wrote to her uncle William Trumbull that
I think he is a reall honest man and one I might live very happyly with...but since neither you, my Aunt, nor my Mother aprove of it I must be contented and find some other way to have my Mother payd, for I have allreadd borrow'd so much that tis impossible to take up any more...but I must now practice self denyall having been to chargeable and troblesome allreaddy to you...
Trumbull had told Debby that 'one who lived here' (presumably Jersey) would be best and he now made diligent enquiries about Philippe Dumaresq. He noted that perhaps a better person could not easily be found and that his estate 'is such as I believe he has very truly declared it to be'. Debby married Philippe Dumaresq of Anneville on 28 November 1700 at St Martin's Church and wrote to William Trumbull seeking his pardon:
I am sure I have Marry'd an sober, honest, good man — I ought to justify him, not only as being my husband, but because he really deserves it; and has been very much misrepresented in the World. (13 January 1701)
In 1700, she sent Lady Trumbull four pairs of sheets.The coarse ones were not so white as she could wish,`but it is too late to put them out now'. A captain's lady (probably Mrs Chevalier) 'will try to pass them through the customs as her own'. She sends more fabrics in 1711:
they are Jersey make and I wish our kinting [sic] trade were quite over, for the ground is very good for flax but laziness prevails too much on our Illanders tho' very few, as live in the countrey, by cloth and tho' tis troublesome all are willing to turn the penny; and even i am got to spining, for i would willingly be a good huswife, if I am not too old to learn for money, is very rare with us...your cloth cost two shillings, four French ell. There is two and twenty ells in the two payre - if your pleased with them, pay Mrs Chevalier. (10 March 1711)
From 1709 - 1713, Debby wrote to her uncle Trumbull with local news:
- `We have had and have still most cruell weather...our garden has suffered very much - most of our Greens are dead...the corn, God be praised, had not suffered much...the Orchards had blossom'd most sweetly and the whole Island was a pleasant Garden, but the severe winds and rains have destroyed many trees, and I fear few apples will be left' (17 June 1709).
- `Corn is very dear - but had a pretty good harvest and the supply from England will do much good' (28 January 1710). I think the air is infected every where and ffeavours are as mortell here to ye young as the small pox is in London....'. (4 August 1710). 'Abundance of snow and rain has done us much injury, in our orchards' (10 March 1711). 'Had the war gone on, the French had been quite routed, for they want everything, and had not a stop been put to our corn, we had been ruined, so that everything is raised here very much — even straw for thatching; they buy it up. I know nothing cheap but earthenware'. (16 November 1713)
After her mother's death, and in 1721, Debby made a partage with Elizabeth Dumaresq, her cousin, and Marie Dumaresq, her sister in law, by which she retained part of Samares Manor. In 1729, after the death of her husband, she went to England for her health for 18 months, leaving Elie Dumaresq (1682-1754), always referred to as 'Advocate M des Augres', as her steward; when she returned she found that he and his son John had taken over the government of St Clement, changing most of the parochial officers, and treating her with great disrespect.
This probably determined her to disengage from the Manor, and in 1731, she gave the Rev Thomas Seale and his wife, another Elisabeth Dumaresq, her furniture, animals, silver and rentes, keeping only two cows, two horses, a carriage and some farm implements for herself. In 1734, under licence from the King George II, she sold the manor to John Seale, and gave his brother, the Rev Thomas Seale, the money which John Seale owed her. She later denied that she had been under any pressure from Thomas to sell to his brother.She continued to be called Madame de Samares until her death in 1765, which ended the Dumaresqs' 250-year association with Samares. This foreshadowed the final disappearance of the Dumaresqs from Jersey. In the early 17th Century they had had the manors of Samares, Vinchelez de Bas, Augres, La Haule, Les Colombiers, Elie and Avranches, and were second only to the de Carterets in importance, though of course behind the Lemprieres of Rozel in precedence. The Dumaresqs more recently daughtered out in Jersey though many people in Jersey have Dumaresq ancestors.